๐๐ฒ ๐๐๐ฎ๐ฅ ๐๐ฎ๐๐ค๐ฒ ๐๐ค๐จ๐ค๐ฎ
Imagine a football stadium filled with thousands of supporters. On the pitch are the players who attract the crowds. Around them are coaches, referees, clubs and communities nurturing young talent.
Now imagine that when decisions are made about who governs the sport, most of those who sustain it possess relatively little voting power.
On ๐๐๐ญ๐จ๐๐๐ซ ๐๐, ๐๐๐๐, ๐ ๐๐ ๐ officially announced that the ๐๐ฎ๐ซ๐๐๐ฎ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ ๐๐ ๐ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ง๐๐ข๐ฅ had approved the appointment of a ๐๐จ๐ซ๐ฆ๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ฌ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐จ๐ฆ๐ฆ๐ข๐ญ๐ญ๐๐ for the ๐๐ข๐ ๐๐ซ๐ข๐ ๐ ๐จ๐จ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ ๐๐๐๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง (๐๐ ๐ ), with a deadline of ๐๐๐ฒ ๐๐, ๐๐๐๐.
This creates an opportunity for institutional renewal.
But changing those who administer football without examining the rules that produce its leadership risks returning Nigeria to familiar problems.
๐ ๐ง๐๐ฐ ๐๐ฅ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐๐ง ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐๐ฎ๐๐ ๐ ๐ง๐๐ฐ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐ข๐๐๐ง๐ญ. ๐๐ง๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐ฆ๐๐๐ง๐ข๐ง๐ ๐๐ฎ๐ฅ ๐ซ๐๐๐จ๐ซ๐ฆ ๐๐๐ง ๐๐๐๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฌ๐ฒ๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ฆ ๐๐๐ก๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ฅ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง.
๐๐๐ ๐๐.๐๐% ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐
On ๐๐๐ซ๐๐ก ๐๐, ๐๐๐๐, the ๐๐ ๐ ๐๐ฑ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐จ๐ซ๐๐ข๐ง๐๐ซ๐ฒ ๐๐๐ง๐๐ซ๐๐ฅ ๐๐ฌ๐ฌ๐๐ฆ๐๐ฅ๐ฒ in ๐๐๐ง๐๐ ๐จ๐, ๐๐๐ฒ๐๐ฅ๐ฌ๐ ๐๐ญ๐๐ญ๐, approved amendments expanding Congress to ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ฅ๐๐ ๐๐ญ๐๐ฌ exercising ๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฌ.
The allocation reveals who holds electoral power:
* ๐๐ก๐ ๐๐ ๐๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ ๐ ๐จ๐จ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐๐ฌ๐ฌ๐จ๐๐ข๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ ๐๐๐๐ซ๐๐ฅ ๐๐๐ฉ๐ข๐ญ๐๐ฅ ๐๐๐ซ๐ซ๐ข๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ฒ: ๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฌ โ ๐๐.๐๐%.
* ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐จ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ซ ๐ซ๐๐ฉ๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐๐ง๐ญ๐๐ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐ญ๐ฎ๐๐ง๐๐ข๐๐ฌ ๐๐จ๐ฆ๐๐ข๐ง๐๐: ๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฌ โ ๐๐.๐๐%.
* ๐๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฅ: ๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฌ โ ๐๐๐%.
Consider what that means. In a 54-vote election decided by a simple majority, ๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฌ would be sufficient.
The State FAs and FCT collectively possess ๐๐.
๐๐ฏ๐๐ง ๐ข๐ ๐๐ฏ๐๐ซ๐ฒ ๐จ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ซ ๐๐จ๐จ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐ญ๐ฎ๐๐ง๐๐ฒ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ ๐ญ๐จ๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐๐ซ, ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ข๐ซ ๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฌ ๐๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐จ๐ฎ๐ญ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐ ๐ ๐ฎ๐ง๐ข๐ญ๐๐ ๐๐-๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐ ๐๐ฅ๐จ๐.
The issue extends beyond representation. It concerns the distribution of authority to determine national leadership.
State FAs perform essential functions. Their participation must be preserved. But should any single constituency possess enough votes to elect national leaders without support from the rest of the football family?
๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐ฬ๐๐ ๐โ๐๐๐๐๐๐: ๐๐๐ ๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐
Consider ๐๐ก๐๐ง๐. Under the ๐๐ก๐๐ง๐ ๐ ๐จ๐จ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐๐ฌ๐ฌ๐จ๐๐ข๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐งโ๐ฌ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ฎ๐ญ๐๐ฌ, Congress has ๐๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ฅ๐๐ ๐๐ญ๐๐ฌ.
Its 10 Regional Football Associations hold ๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฌ (๐๐.๐๐%).
Clubs, womenโs football, players, coaches, referees and other constituencies share ๐๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฌ (๐๐.๐๐%).
In ๐๐จฬ๐ญ๐ ๐โ๐๐ฏ๐จ๐ข๐ซ๐, the ๐๐๐ฉ๐ญ๐๐ฆ๐๐๐ซ ๐๐, ๐๐๐๐ presidential election used a club-centered, weighted electoral system involving ๐๐ ๐ฆ๐๐ฆ๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ and an allocation of ๐๐๐ ๐ฐ๐๐ข๐ ๐ก๐ญ๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฌ:
* ๐๐ข๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐ ๐๐ฅ๐ฎ๐๐ฌ: ๐๐ โ ๐๐.๐๐%.
* ๐๐ข๐ ๐ฎ๐ ๐ ๐๐ฅ๐ฎ๐๐ฌ: ๐๐ โ ๐๐.๐๐%.
* ๐๐ข๐ฏ๐ข๐ฌ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐ ๐๐ฅ๐ฎ๐๐ฌ: ๐๐ โ ๐๐.๐๐%.
* ๐ ๐จ๐จ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ข๐ง๐ญ๐๐ซ๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐ ๐ซ๐จ๐ฎ๐ฉ๐ฌ: ๐ โ ๐.๐๐%.
Neither arrangement is a universal FIFA formula. Both demonstrate that national federations can distribute voting authority differently.
๐ ๐๐ ๐ appointed Normalisation Committees in ๐๐ก๐๐ง๐ (๐๐๐๐) and ๐๐จฬ๐ญ๐ ๐โ๐๐ฏ๐จ๐ข๐ซ๐ (๐๐๐๐), expressly including statutory or electoral reform in their mandates.
๐๐ ๐๐ฅ๐๐๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐๐ฅ ๐ซ๐๐๐จ๐ซ๐ฆ ๐ฐ๐๐ฌ ๐ฉ๐๐ซ๐ญ ๐จ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐จ๐ฌ๐ ๐ข๐ง๐ญ๐๐ซ๐ฏ๐๐ง๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ, ๐ฐ๐ก๐ฒ ๐ฌ๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ข๐ ๐๐ซ๐ข๐โ๐ฌ ๐๐.๐๐% ๐๐จ๐ง๐๐๐ง๐ญ๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐ฌ๐๐๐ฉ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฌ๐๐ฆ๐ ๐๐ฑ๐๐ฆ๐ข๐ง๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง?
๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐: ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐
Before elaborate football headquarters, sponsorship agreements and administrative committees, there were people playing football.
Communities gathered to watch. Competitions developed. Stadiums rose. Institutions followed.
The structures grew around the gameโnot the other way around.
Yet the recognized playersโ association holds only ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐จ๐ ๐๐ข๐ ๐๐ซ๐ข๐โ๐ฌ ๐๐ ๐ฏ๐จ๐ญ๐๐ฌ. Coaches have one. Referees have one. The Nigeria Womenโs Football League has one.
Players live with the consequences of unpaid allowances, inadequate facilities and weak contractual protection. Coaches develop talent.
Referees safeguard competitions. Clubs sustain professional livelihoods. Their voices should carry meaningful influence in decisions governing their work.
๐๐ก๐ ๐ ๐ฅ๐๐๐ข๐๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐ฌ ๐๐ซ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐๐๐ฌ๐จ๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ซ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐ฑ๐ข๐ฌ๐ญ๐ฌ.
๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐
Imagine another NFF presidential election under substantially unchanged rules.
A president emerges. A new administration takes office. Promises of renewal fill the headlines. Yet the electoral framework remains.
Any future attempt at redistributing votes may require the agreement of institutions whose existing powers are under review. That is the structural difficulty Nigeria must confront.
The remedy is not to exclude State FAs or transfer dominance to another group. It is to establish a balanced framework through stakeholder consultation, independently administered elections and lawful statutory approval.
๐ ๐๐ ๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ : ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐
FIFAโs official ๐๐๐ญ๐จ๐๐๐ซ ๐๐ announcement confirmed the Normalisation Committee but did not publicly disclose its complete Nigeria-specific terms of reference.
Before another election, Nigerians deserve five answers:
* Will the committee review the ๐๐๐ซ๐๐ก ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐ ๐ ๐๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ฎ๐ญ๐๐ฌ ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐ฅ๐๐๐ญ๐จ๐ซ๐๐ฅ ๐๐จ๐๐?
* Will the ๐๐-๐จ๐-๐๐ voting allocation undergo independent examination?
* Will players, womenโs football, leagues, clubs, coaches and referees participate in genuine consultations?
* Will proposed reforms be publicly debated and lawfully approved before elections?
* Will independent electoral and appeals procedures safeguard every eligible constituency?
These are demands for transparent institutions, not preferred candidates.
๐๐๐ฒ ๐๐, ๐๐๐๐ must represent more than another administrative handover.
A Normalisation Committee should leave behind stronger rules, not simply different officeholders.
๐๐๐๐จ๐ซ๐ฆ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฌ๐ฒ๐ฌ๐ญ๐๐ฆ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ฌ๐๐ฅ๐๐๐ญ๐ฌ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฅ๐๐๐๐๐ซ๐ฌ. ๐๐ก๐๐ง ๐ฅ๐๐ญ ๐ ๐๐ซ๐๐๐ข๐๐ฅ๐ ๐๐ฅ๐๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐๐ญ๐๐ซ๐ฆ๐ข๐ง๐ ๐ฐ๐ก๐จ ๐ฅ๐๐๐๐ฌ.
Next: ๐ฃ๐๐ฅ๐ง ๐ฎ ๐ข๐ ๐ฏ examines the independence, integrity and previous records of those entrusted with delivering reform.
๐๐๐ฎ๐ฅ ๐๐ฎ๐๐ค๐ฒ ๐๐ค๐จ๐ค๐ฎ is a
FIFA Legend | Former Nigeria Flying Eagles Vice-Captain | Former Super Eagles International | AFCON Silver Medalist | Football Historian | Football Analyst | Investigative Football Writer | Journalist-at-Large | Founder & CEO, Greater Tomorrow Childrenโs Fund (GTCF).
๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐
Sources: ๐ ๐๐ ๐, Bureau of the Council Takes Key Decisions, ๐๐๐ญ๐จ๐๐๐ซ ๐๐, ๐๐๐๐; ๐๐ ๐ , Extraordinary General Assembly statutory amendments, ๐๐๐ซ๐๐ก ๐๐, ๐๐๐๐, and published voting breakdown; ๐๐ก๐๐ง๐ ๐ ๐จ๐จ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐๐ฌ๐ฌ๐จ๐๐ข๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง, ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐ญ๐๐ญ๐ฎ๐ญ๐๐ฌ, Article 26; Cรดte dโIvoire electoral reporting, ๐๐๐ฉ๐ญ๐๐ฆ๐๐๐ซ ๐๐, ๐๐๐๐; ๐ ๐๐ ๐, Ghana Normalisation Committee announcement, ๐๐ฎ๐ ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐, ๐๐๐๐; and Cรดte dโIvoire Normalisation Committee announcement, ๐๐๐๐๐ฆ๐๐๐ซ ๐๐, ๐๐๐๐.
Proposed electoral reforms are independent recommendations, not confirmed instructions from FIFA to Nigeriaโs committee.
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๐๐ฅ๐๐๐ฌ๐ ๐๐๐๐ฅ ๐๐ซ๐๐ ๐ญ๐จ ๐ฌ๐ก๐๐ซ๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ข๐ฌ ๐๐ซ๐ญ๐ข๐๐ฅ๐ ๐ฌ๐จ ๐ญ๐ก๐๐ญ ๐ฐ๐ ๐๐๐ง ๐๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐ฅ๐๐๐ซ๐ง, ๐๐ฌ๐ค ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ซ๐ข๐ ๐ก๐ญ ๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง๐ฌ ๐๐ง๐ ๐ก๐๐ฅ๐ฉ ๐ฉ๐ซ๐จ๐ญ๐๐๐ญ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ฎ๐ญ๐ฎ๐ซ๐ ๐จ๐ ๐๐ข๐ ๐๐ซ๐ข๐๐ง ๐๐จ๐จ๐ญ๐๐๐ฅ๐ฅ.






